In some sense, Asaase Yaa is also the “custodian of morality and social decorum, the traditional ethical code” (Okorocha, 1987:52).Next to Asaase Yaa are the Nananom Nsamanfo (ancestral spirits), literally described as the “living dead”. Most foods were avoided for reasons associated with pregnancy outcome, labour and to avoid an undesirable body form for the baby.

For one to qualify as an ancestor, the person needs to have a peaceful death (abodweewuo), must be a married person with children, and live an exemplary life etc. Douglas notes that, with “modern” societies, pollution is a matter of aesthetics, hygiene or etiquette, which only becomes grave in so far as it may create social embarrassment. The concept and the concern of African indigenous peoples have not been taken seriously by African states. Nevertheless, in the area of governance it is a feature which cannot be done away with. It would not be far-fetched to argue that this relativism underlay an outlook on suppressing death as the mirror of the senselessness of life. He is seen as the creator of the universe. Some pregnant women consumed herbal decoctions for strengthening pregnancy, facilitating labour and overall health of both themselves and the foetus. I must, however, point out that, this view is not without criticism.

I agree with Awuah-Nyamekye (2014) that the Akan people have a “religious worldview”, just as Thomas rightly points out that “religion permeate every aspect of [the African’s] life and shape how they perceive themselves and the world” (Thomas, 2015:42).

Part of the problem in any discussion of taboos is the variety of definitions and uses of the word. They are mainly found in the southern and middle part of Ghana. But taboos in Africa are truth forms that are independent of the confines of time.

All wild animals were… We are really such a multi cultural nation and what might be taboo in one culture could be quite ok in another so its a really difficult question to answer. However, this inimitable feature has been watered down and further pushed to the background by the influx of foreign religions such as Christianity and Islam, as well as modernity. Taboos may therefore be used in two senses.

The enforcement process of these taboos is in line with the oath Akans swear to the ancestors. Certainly, within an African context, what Durkheim terms “sacred” and “profane” is on equal level of experience, so closely blended together and far from being cut off from one another. Finding the Spirit of Monet's Giverny Gardens. Toledo, Victor M. (2000): Indigenous Knowledge on Soils: An Ethnoecological Conceptualization. In that sense it is defective to define indigeneity only based on the Blue Water Theory (i.e. The Akan generally believe that there are evil spirits (Amoah, 1998) that can inflict bad luck on humanity and they must therefore seek protection from superior beings. Amoah thinks protection is sought in maintaining a harmonious relationship between humanity, nature and the spirits. Inevitably, issues debated as to the conception and definition of indigeneity at global level also recurs in case of Africa. Nonetheless, the term “taboo” may also be used in the “predicative and adjectival sense” to refer to “persons, places, things or conditions invested with a mysterious attribute and the prohibitions arising from the same attribute” (Levine, 1986:995). Douglas notes that primitive religions are inspired by fear and at the same time are inextricably confused with defilement and hygiene.

Little attention is paid to political taboos in the discussion on the categorisation of taboos. The term “indigenous” may appear strange in an African context, yet it emerged as an important rallying point for highly marginalised indigenous communities. 2019 Jan;115:480-486. doi: 10.1016/j.foodres.2018.10.026.